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[SECOND EDITION. 



THE 



SOUTHERN STATES, 

THEIR PRESENT PERIL, 

AND 

THEIR CERTAIN REMEDY. 

WHY DO THEY NOT 

RIGHT THEMSELVES? 

AND SO FULFIL 
THEIR GLORIOUS DESTINY. 



C H A R L E S T O N : 

PIUNTED AND PUBLISHED BY E. C. COUNCELL, NO. 119 EAST-BAY. 

1850. 



t^<'v^ 



fp rT 4 



PREFACE. 



The citizens of St Johns, Colleton, having- assembled at Rock- 
ville, on the iSth Sept., for the purpose of obtaining from their can- 
didates an expression of their opinions upon the question at issue, be- 
tween the Southern and the Free-soil States ; and the meeting having 
been organized, Mr. John Townsend arose and addressed them. The 
following being a brief Abstract of his introductory Address i 

He admitted fully the right of the people to be made acquainted 
with the sentiments of the candidates ; and the duty of the candi- 
dates to express their opinions without disguise or concealment, and 
in such a form as would be least likely to lead to misapprehension : 
and especially at a time like this, when the state of the country was . 
so full of difficulty and peril. He corisidered the libertiesand politi- 
cal independence of the Southern States as being in greater danger 
at this time than at any other period before or since the Declaration of 
Independence ; and requiring from their citizens all their energies of 
mind, of heart and fortunes, to vindicate their rights. He regarded 
them as rapidly approaching the turning point of their destiny ; and 
that the great epoch, from which they would hereafter have to date 
their history, was not very far off. Like the colonies of '76, in their 
relations to the mother country, so the Southern States would soon 
have to take their stand towards the Free-soil States of this Union, 
They cannot stand still as they are, and at the same time preserve 
their property and liberties as citizens, and their political indepen- 
dence as Stales. They are in a transition state, and every man 
begins to feel that a great change is about to take place in their po- 
litical condition ; which some lament over as a calamity, but all re- 
gard as an unavoidable necessity which must be met, and must be 
provided against. 

He regretted to perceive that there was wanting, as yet, that buoy- 
ant hopefulness^ that undoubting confidence in a favourable result, 
which is so necessary to success. Vague and undefined apprehen- 
sions, as to consequences, appear to perplex the minds of our people. 
This is but natural. It was so at the commencement of our revolu- 
tion, in '76; and harrassed timid men, during the whole struggle. 
Great changes in the social and political condition of the people are 



always serious things ; and even the boldest and most resolute men 
undertake them with caution. The apathy, then, which appeared to 
prevail in some of the Southern States, he did not believe to be owing 
to timidity or indifference to their wrongs ; but, with some, to their 
not having reflected upon the magnitude of the danger with which 
we are threatened; and, with others, to the reluctance with which 
most men begin to redress their grievances; or until they become in- 
tolerable. But from what cause soever this apathy proceeded, he 
considered it highly injurious to the cause of Southern rights, since it 
was both infectious, and discouraging to our friends ; and our ene- 
mies rejoiced over it, as an ev, deuce of our weakness and timidity 
which encouraged them to greater insult and aggression upon the 
South. 

In view, then, of this state of thing's, he expressed his intention to 
address his remarks to those points chiefly which have relation to this 
aspect of the question. He would, therefore, net discuss at all the 
various measures of anti-slavery aggression, since he supposed that 
the minds of most Southern men were made up on those subjects. 
But taking up the question where our Legislature had left it ofl:', and 
assuming, as they had declaef', thatuprn these points " the argu- 
ment had been exhausted" — he would advance to the next stage in 
our progress; and, the "wrongs" having been already pointed out, 
proceed to consider the Remedj^, and the consequences which are likely 
to flow from that remedy. 

He proceeded then to statp, th\t on so grave and weighty a matter 
as the remedy for our wrongs, he did not consider it respectful to the 
citizens of the Parish, or prudent in himself, to address them, with 
only the aid of brief notes^ since from his habits of retirement as a 
Planter, residing almost entirely upon his plantation, and from his 
having withdrawn himself from the politic;^ strifes of the times, for 
the last sixteen years, he was very unpraclice 1 in addressing large 
public assemblies. For these roas :>ns. he preferred to present to the 
meeting, in vj7-iti,ng, what it appeared suitable to him to address to 
them; which course appeared to him to be especially proper on the 
present occasion, — since the sentiments of the candidates have been 
called for through the public prints, in a form suitable for publication, 
in order that every citizen, whether present or absent, might have an 
opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with them. He then pro- 
ceeded to read to the assembly the following Address, 



ADDRESS, 



It cannot fail to strike every man, who has turned his atten- 
tion to the state of public sentiment at the South, in reference 
to our controversy with the free-soil States and the General Gov- 
ernment, that there are two classes, (for I will not call them par- 
ties) at the South, who appear to entertain different views on 
this subject. These views, although they cannot be said to be 
opposite, nevertheless lead to very opposite results ;— the one to 
comparative inaction, — the other to timely and vigorous resist- 
ance. The former class, view the " Wilmot proviso," as applied 
to California and the territories, and the other measures of anti- 
slavery aggression, wliich from time to time have been pressed 
upon us, in Congress, — as measures which begin, and terminate 
in themselves ; and although they regard them as wrong, as un- 
just, and unconstitutional, as nevertheless, so far removed in 
their effects upon our interests, as not to justify any serious 
alarm. They are therefore willing, to patch up a peace, by a 
compromise with our enemies. 

The other class, on the other hand, view those measures, as 
parts of a regular system of operations, — the object, intention, 
and inevitable tendency of which, is,— to abolish slavery entirely 
in the States, and to degrade the South into a tribute-paying 
colony to the rest of the Union. Viewing then these measures 
in this light, they are prepared, and willing to meet the question 
at once; and keep safe their citadel, by defending the outposts. 

Both classes are very unanimously agreed to defend the cita- 
del, when /f/ians attacked, but unhappily, all at the South, do 
not see in these measures, the miirhty evil which lurks behind 
them, and which threatens such fearful consequences, to our so- 
cial and political life. 

The first question then, for the people of the South to settle 
in their minds, is, the reality of this danger. For upon the set- 
tlement of this question, will depend their union; and upon 
their union will depend their safety, their stability and their hap- 
piness ; — a safety certain, and undoubted ; a stability to their in- 
stitutions, which they have never before possessed ; and a polit- 
ical happiness and prosperity, which they have heretofore never 
enjoyed, and which, owing to their favored position, it has rarely 
been the lot of any former people to attain unto. 



6 

Tlie first thing- then for us to consider, is, the reality of this 
danger : and this can be best understood, by taking a brief re- 
view of the progress of the anti-slavery spirit of aggression, 
within a few years past. 

It is scarcely sixteen years since this dangerous subject beo-an 
first to be meddled with in Congress. Previous to that time, it 
appeared to have been considered as a subject forbidden to that 
body ; and as it was the sole concern, so under the exchisive 
control, of the people of the South. 

About the year 1835, the anti-slavery party at the North, began 
to agitate Congress by an interference with our institutions : at 
which time, as we have been informed by Mr. Calhoun, " peti- 
tions poured in, calling upon Congress, to abolish slavery in the 
District of Columbia, and to prohibit what they called the inter- 
nal slave trade between the States, announcing at the same time, 
that their ultimate object was, to abolish slavery not only in the 
District of Columbia, but in theStates and thro tighovt the Uniovy 

Let it be here well noted,— that their ultimate object, as openly 
avowed by them, even at that time, was the abolition of slavery 
in the St(ftes : and that the other measures were urged upon Con- 
gress, as only the preliminary steps towards the attainment of 
that object. 

Now, in all the measures which they have since pressed upon 
us, in proportion as they have been gaining strength, that has 
been their aim: — an aim, which we should be guilty of the 
grossest fatuity, if we ourselves lost sight of. 

Fifteen years aoro, the South was stronger in Congress, not only 
in her own numbers, but by the aid of all right-thinking men 
from the North. The anti-slavery party accordingly failed at 
that time to obtain a lodgement in Congress, by which to assail 
us from that position. The Senate of the United States adopted 
a rule, by which their petitions on the subject of slavery were 
virtually not received : and the House of Representatives another, 
by which, although such petitions were received, they were nei- 
ther to be considered, printed, or referred. 

This, however, did not discourage our enemies, but on the 
other hand, seemed to excite them to beat more vociferously at 
the doors of Congress to carry out their schemes. At every 
election at the North, and after every census, their strength in- 
creased ; — whilst ours, by the loss of representation for two-fifths 
of our slaves, as well as from other causes, diminished ; and oar 
former adherents fell off. Under this state of things, our enemies 
boldly advanced upon ns, in the number and magnitude of their 
aggressions ; and began to extend the sphere of their operations. 

They required of Congress, to abolisli slavery in all [he forts 
and dock-yards of the South ; with a view to making them the 
retreats for absconding slaves, and the magazines of abolition 



of b^r n'n . "','^r' population. As the infl.ience and power 
ot that party extended at the North, (as it has done verv raniX ^ 
they toolv possession of their own St Ue LcJi;iaTu?eI l^nd hp^i 

2.. f/„ |;P;^^f5' ";"l> 'he viev. ,„ ,he find „i„,,vL,, „/ 

Ob ™?r "/ ,1? ;'f •• . T''^"J'f been avowed to be .be uhimatP 
Ami ;! , ''egnnimg of the agitation until the present- 

fn T, ,°''''^'i"''-''"f '^""' P«fli^s at the Northf w^th he 

Witb such objects known and avowed, it ntight be simoosed 
at Congress, under the restraints which are inip, ed uZli k iw 

iiletposed a barrier ajrainst schemes of agression which Z 

not neeu so. 1 he rule which excluded from Cou'^ress the din 

fe rr;;:hrr'i'n^ ""'';''^^'^ ™- has been Tr ■:';;; 

ye s abolished m the Mouse of Representatives; and the Senate 
< the present session, has also been compelled to dve w ,y be fo e 
Ibe encroacbtng spirit ol this ferocious party. The hi lof On , 

Sni'"' 'Tr" <=°""-i-™°" for'the'^ottt as n , ti ; 

ftoiih, ,s now taken possession of by them; and insteS of t « 
CO n, y which ,s dueto the Southern States, sjil fin the cin 
fede acy, their representatives have been openly itued^v 

ZtTj:,:Xtlf'''''i' ''"T"'"" ""'• i"»Ji"."™- 'ana 

mesoveieip, States themselves, which they represent be-in m 
be regarded, m ^le arrogance of irresponsible ^we ks Invin^ 

bmced a n^ost iT n/ ''''''"^ "^^ ^ ^^'^ ^'^'^'^^ em- 

uracea almost, it not every represontat ve from thp Nnrtl. if h,o 

9p^^ u "' ^'"' ^^"'*''^' '^ '"''^ been annonnced bv a -rave 

Senator, who represents the views of that party, .L-.t tl ^- o'b elt 
n exclndino; us from the territorials is " hnf .1. 1./ • \•^^ 

but a?e. otf ■',';'""' '""■?■'""' '-""J '■'"l™>'= their CO, dlfon 
Dut are to be walled tip, within their present limits I!v „,h,v l. 

pn knthiopi.sts, who have taken us nnder their care the mistes 
; nd thc.r slaves will be so crowded together, upo. t?ie oil whirh 



8 



races which will terminate in the annihilation of one, or horh 
of the'r This scheme of .e//-rfe.^r«c^.on,-this species of po- 
I tical suicide, is the mildest form, and the slowest process by 
S oiu enemies propose to nbolish slavery among i^ts 
the plan universally approved of by t»^°^^.7'{^.;.^^;^X m^y 
our '' friends" at the North. And even Mi. ''^ ""^f'^ 'J^l^ 
be considered the soberest among them (in opinions at least ) has 
anno need it as their settled policy "that no ^n-'e s ave 8tat^ 
ar^to he admitted into this Union," beyond ^^^ P'^^^^^.^^f ^^^^ 
territory of Texas ; thus looking to the process just stated, tor 
the final extinguishment of slavery among us. 

This, be it i^membered, is the mildest orm ^-^'^^^ ^P J^^f^'n- 
" friends" «^o called : and who are so ready, in our wars in Oon- 
„^::on t;:t question, to step in with then- " --P--^^ .^^ 
fweei .IS, and the most virulent of our foes, to ^oolh ns and Uiem 
bv tempo -.ry expedients. But there is another c ass at h<;^^ "^ 
t hP f nilirs in reli-ion ;-the fanatics in politics ;-the dema 

-'^s'or::ii;inie;^ hunting ^V'r^^ ^"Utlf ^^es^'by^ 
fvho are aiming at the abolition of slavery '" ^'^^.^^^^^^'^..^J. 

r- "Pd " restricted to her present limits, and no slave State per 
ittiLbi ai uio i , ,„„itii nf fhp opneral aovernment ana 

;^^v;;he";:bu;rdan. powe, m a short 'i-. j° .thlm ° 

rr mfir^Vi? -B Uhlr 1o ^boiisl, slavery im.neCia.ely in 
rstufas !s';,ow L avowed p.rpose^of both spe-s o a,. 
a,icis™, which is -»yed ^S-- i' ;,„ 'p.e cHbed Slhions, 
„s to koeponis ave., ,t ™' ''f ™ f/„o,,/„„n„„emeiU of them, 

-i'Cr..re='o,=^^^ 
rir,rt;;:,:^""w;.i:i,rVthe. 



decision, eitfier alternative will be fatal to us, and our choice 
wil beonly thatot the slave. Our condition, under the first, we 
shall notice presently; under the second, our condition will be 
the most abject and degraded, which has ever fldlen to the lot 
Of a subjugated people ;— the prey of a merciless avarice, havin- 
no one sympathy with us, and which, from our pusilanimity, 
will have such good cause to spurn and despise us ' • 

Let no Southern man delude himself for a single moment, into 
the persuasion, that the measures which are preparing for us, 
n the councils of the anti-slavery party at the North, are limi- 
ted o their own accomplishment ;-and then ! we are to have a 
bm\ and lasting peace. The facts and considerations which 
have just been presented (independent of the bold and opeiyt^-^ 
vowal of our enenues) go to show that those measures are not 
only advancing upon us, in hostility, but that they are all advan- 
cing steadily, to one co,?imo?i centre, and that is, the abolllion of 
slavery in the whole South --the abolUUm of slavery in every 
^taie--\hQpvin2, of freedom to his slaves, upon every ma/s 
own plantation ! ! ^ j 

That is the real danger, which we must prepare ourselves to 
guard ogamst ui the measures of resistance which it becomes us 
to adopt. That is the mighty evil, which is tlireatened us by 
the anti-slavery infJuence at the North, and which stands as the 
.?rand terminus of all the roads, and scliemes, and plans, which 
every class and party of that influence are pursuing in relation 
to s avery. Some may take a longer road than others, to reach 
e terminus : some may prefer a milder plan, in accomplishing 
the journey ; wmlst many may be disposed to pause for awhile 
on the way, to amuse themselves, and as with "compromises," 
whilst hey are gathering fresh strength, the more certainly to 
attain their end. But all, all, no matter what road they may 
have taken, have their faces turned towards the same object ; and 
whether tiiey may be restrained by the constitutional scruples of 
Senator Webster or by the scriptural teachings of President 
Stuart considered as the extreme of the party, on the one side ; 
-or whether they be driven on by the monomaniac phrenzy of 
;^lbld men, such as Garrison, and Giddiugs, Hall, Phillips or 
luck, as representing the other extreme of the party,-they 
ave each, and all of them, their heads, their hearts, and their 
hands empoyed in the same common work, of ahdishin<r slave- 
ry in th". States, and upon each plantation in each Stat(i! 

reiterate this fact: because it is of the last importance, that 

XTr !T h "",'■ ''^''^'' ^'"'^ engraven upon our hearts. In 

le Ii-ht of this truth, the soft spoken free soiler is on a par with 

lie most brawling and fanatic abolitionist: only that the former 

. I '?. i.T'^ ' K^ dreaded ; since with his flattering promises 

iviHcIiheknovvshecannotfulfil,andhisplausible "compromises" 



10 

which he knows are deceitful, he lulls us into security, and then 
stupifies us into non-resistance ! _ 

Such, then, beincr the mighty evil, which is preparing for us, 
sooner or later, in the councils of every party at the North, it may 
be useful to us, to give a glance, as we proceed, at the fearful 
consequences, which will befall us, if we do not avert it, by 
a timely and effectual resistance. The imagination sickens with 
disgust, and the heart swells with indignation, whilst contem- 
plating these consequences. 

Briefly, what are they ? _ 

Pirst —The elevating of our slaves to a political equaidy witfi 
ourselves in the making of our laws, and in the government of 
the country ; which will soon be followed by the degrodation, 
(as in the British and French West Indies)~of the claims of a 
vulgar and upstart race, to social equality with ourselves, and 
faimlies, in all the domestic relations of life. 

2ci The overrunning of ourcountry with swarms of an in- 
dolent, vicious, and unthrifty species of Lazaroni, instead of the 
best agricultural population in the world such as we now have 

them. , . . » 1 ^f 

3d —As a consequence of thei-r release from the control of 
their masters, the abandonment of the cultivation of all the great 
acrricultural staples of the South, from which we derive our 
w'ealth at home, and our chief influence abroad ; and as the ne- 
cessary consequence of this, tlie poverty, ruin and distress of 

our families. , .,,. c ■.„! ;„ 

4th —The loss of fifteen hundred millions of our capital, in 
the loss of property in our slaves, and in the labour which are 
derived from them. , , , .,,. . 

5th —The depreciation of other fifteen hundred millions ot 
our capital in land, which would become comparatively valueless 
after our Zaioi/r capital was destroyed; and 

6th— Our political annihilation among the nations o the 
earth; and the blighting contempt with which we should be 
spit upon by all mankind; as the fitting recom pence for tha 
people, who could submit to such degredaiion, and consent still 

^Tire'real dancrer with which we are threatened, having been 
ascertained, and' some of its consequences briefly pointed out, 
we now proceed to a consideration of the measures by which 
our enemies should be resisted, and that danger averted And 
here we will adopt the idea which we have before used to illus- 
trate our subject, and say, that as the measures which have, 
from time to time been urged upon Congress, by the anti-slave- 
ry party, should each and every one of them, be viewed as 
jlarts of one general system of measures,-the object and in- 
dention of which is, to abolish slavery in the States ;-so each 



11 

one of them should be regarded as assailing one of the oidposts 
Which guards our citadel; and that the loss of any one of them 
to us, strengthens and encourao:es our enemies; weakens and 
discourages us; and renders us less able to defend our citadel, 
when the great struggle shall arise, (as come it must, sooner or 
later,) which is to decide for us the question, whether we are to 
live and not die. Each of those agcrressions should then be 
encountered with resolute hostility, as involving the final issue • 
and without reference to its own intrinsic offensiveness, which' 
perhaps, standing alone, may be unimportant in itself ' ' 

This beinor premised, 1 will now go on to add, that the plan 
of action which it seems to me proper for the South to pursue, 
is. 111 the first place, taking no council from fear, to consider 
calmly and deliberately their position with a view to decide iohai 
are their rights : and after they have decided what these are, 
then resolutely to insist upon them, and immnveahly maintain 
them. Forewarned, as we have been of their intentions, we 
should be forearmed to meet and counteract them. Upon a 
question of this grave nature, which involves our political life 
or death, no concession is allownhle, which increases the strength 
of our ene7nies, and diminishes our ahilitij to resist them. Any 
Dehlah '-compromise" then, whether offered by some half South- 
ern man, and supported by whole Northern "friends," so called, 
if it shears us of even one lock of our streuirth, is not for a mo- 
ment to be listened to. We must stand upon our rights in their 
entirety ;— have them ; or prepare for the consequences. 

The consequences ! what are they ? Some timid one may 
say, '-It may lead to disunion or civil war !" Not properly, nor 
rightfully; certainly not necessarily; except our enemies would 
afford us the proof, that we have remained alreadv too lonc> in 
the Union ; and they would now use force to keRp us there, to 
plunder or deo^rade us. But we will examine this presently'. 

Sonie one else may ask, " why not settle the difficulty by com- 
promise; and let us have a lasting quiet." We will" examine 
this now. 

We might not be unwilling, to bring to the altar of peace 
some of our rights, and offer them as a sacrifice, on our part, for 
the happiness of our country ; if we could be assured, that by 
this means, peace, a lasting peace, was to be secured, and tlie 
question settled now, and forever. But "compromise," implies 
mutual concessions;— the giving up of admitted rights, equally 
by both parties. To be permanent, it requires tiiat tiie parties 
making it, should themselves be permanent, and can bind tlieir 
successors; and that each intends to act with good faith towards 
the other. 

Viewed in this light, every element is wanting, in this case 
towards a proper compromise. The North concedes to us, no 



12 

riffht on her part; whilst we are required to give up those,— the 
Yielding np of which, will be felt to their woe, by our, latest 
posterity. We enter, too, into a compromise with a party now, 
who, if they intend to deal honestly by us, at the ratification, may 
next year, in the varying fluctuations of political life, be placed 
beyond the ability to 'keep their enslavements: or, what is more 
probable, may be recognized, as traitors in the ranks of our en- 
emies,— sucked in, within the whirlpool of abohtionism, and for 
the sake of its rewards, making no efforts to extricate themselves, 
or keep their pliahted faith. 

Besides, the inaterials, of which the anti-slavery party at tne 
North is composed, are of such qualities, that it renders the idea 
of any permanent compromise with them, utterly preposterous. 
No concessions, short of the total, and perhaps immediate abo i- 
tion of slavery,' will, or can, ever satisfy them :— and especially 
such concessions, as we shall make ; since they will suppose, that 
they are extorted from our fears ; which will only encourage 
their audacity, to demand more, and greater. 

Of this every one will be satisfied, who considers caretnlly the 
7/7«/cnV//s of which that party is made up. What are they ? 
Fanatics in religion; fanatics in politics; the ravening dema- 
gogue hunting after office, and the spoils of party. And when, 
from the beginninir of time, to the present hour, have svch men 
been satisfied with concessions, which have been yielded to their 
voracity, or been extorted from the supposed fears of their vic- 
tims. , . 

The religions fanoiic, who believes contrary to the leachings 
of scripture, that slavery is a sin, and a crime against God and 
man • and who sets up his own crude notions about religion and 
morality, as the standard for other men, and by which lie impi- 
ously tries even the revelation of the all-wise God himselt:— 
what concession can satisiy such a man, except the entire oblit- 
eration of the sin 1 , , i r 

The pomical fanatic, who professes to be governed by obliga- 
tions "higher than the Constitution ;" and who, in his sublima- 
ted notions about civil societv, which never have been, and never 
can be realized, claims that all men are born free and equal and 
have a ri^^ht to be fed and clothed at the expense of somebody 
else --What can satisfy this class,— except raising the slave to 
an equality with the master, and sharing with him his property .' 
The wily, non-committal, hungry demagogue:— ihe lirst aiti- 
cle of whose creed, is, to swear by the ''majority,'' and to live 
and die feeding at the public crib:-What compromises will 
such a man observe, when the stream of popular favour turns 
against us, and it becomes his interest to desert us .' 
°Anv compromise then, which we may make with the North, 
governed as it is, and as it is likely ever to be, by such materials 



13 

as the anti-slavery party is composed of, must result in nothing; 
else, than the advantage and final triumph of our enemies, and 
in disaster and ruin to ourselves. And the South cannot be too 
soon waked up to this truth. The most plausible compromises 
on this question will prove to us 

"Like Dead-sea fruits, which tempt the eye, 
But turn to ashes on the lips." 

The whole history of them, bears testimony to the utter faith- 
lessness, with which they have been observed by the North. 
The ordinance of '37, althongh in strictness of definition not a 
"compromise ;" since the North, on its part, gave up no right, or 
valuable consideration, may yet be considered, as a bargain. 
Virginia by a queenly, (but as the event has turned out) most fa- 
tuous o-enerosity, gave up to the exclusive use of the North, a 
magnificent douKiin of North Western Territory; annexing- 'to 
the gift but two conditions, the first, that but four'States, and no 
more, should be formed out of it : and second, that fugitive 
slaves should be delivered up, on demand of their owners. The 
North greedily accepted the princely gift, subject to the condi- 
tions. But what is the fulfilment on their part? Instead of four, 
they have carved out ftve States, by which to increase their 
power in the Senate: and instead of delivering up to the South 
her fugitive slaves, they murder and imprison her citizens, who 
go there to recover their property. 

The Missouri "compromise," so called, (but with what pro- 
priety, is not so plain) is the next example, of the worthlessness 
of all attempts to settle permanently this vexed question, by 
concessions, on th(i part of the South. In that case, the North 
gave up nothing, and gained every thing. The South, on her 
part sacrificed a great principle, and alolig with it, gave up im- 
mensely valuable rights. For what ?— lor the poor privilege 
at best, of being let alone for a iew years. The North claimed 
what they had no right to ask,— the exclusion of slavehold- 
crs, with their slaves from any portion of our territories. For 
this, which they had no right to, they clamoured, and blustered 
and threatened : and the South, to their everlasting reproach and 
dishonour, as well as to their incalculable injury, suffered them- 
sev es to be influenced by these things ; and yielded a principle 
wh;ch they should have guarded with their life, and advanfa- 
gls which they never can recover. 

Amidst this uproar and clamour, which was stirred up by the 
wrong-doer, the memorable " Missouri comjirornise," (as it is 
called) was started by some one, in the fraudulent conspiracy. 
It offered tfie latitude of 36^30', (which, be it here remembered, 
is the ^Southern boundary of Virginia and Kentucky, and Mis- 
souri,— States, all within latitudes suitable for slave labour,) as 
2 '^ 



14 

the line of division between the two sections : — slavery to be 
prohibited to the north ot that line, but not be interfered with 
south of it. In this the North gave up no right or privilege, or 
advantage which they were entitled to, except the right to blus- 
ter and extort ; — whilst the South consented to be excluded from 
fertile and valuable territory, well suited to her institutions ; and 
so has greatly diminished her political power. The considera- 
tions, for which these advantages were given up, were that the 
North should give its peace, and that upon the basis of that line 
of latitude, the difficulties should be settled then and forever. 

Such were the hopes and expectations, held out to us, by the 
memorable "Missouri compromise" — a compromise, especially to 
be remembered by us, both as a great calamity, as well as a 
most impressive warning ! 

The history of Congress furnishes us with the evidence in 
what manner these justly indulged expectations have been ful- 
filled ; and liow Northern men have kept their pligiited faith, on 
the subject of slavery. Almost from the time of that compro- 
mise, up certainly to the present hour, instead of courtesy and 
peace, we have had insult and violence. The topic of slavery 
has been thrust in upon the legislation of Congress, without 
any necessity, and in the most offensive forms. Our institutions 
have been assailed, our property stolen from us ; our just rights, 
under the Constitution, denied us, insulting resolutions aimed 
directly at us, have been passed by Congress itself; our feelings 
have been outraged ; and instead of that consideration and res- 
pect, which are due to us, as equals, they begin to treat us, with 
an overbearing arrogance ; which plainly admonishes us, that we 
are hereafter to be regarded as a S7ibjiigated people, dependent 
upon a distant and irresponsible majority, for our dearest rights, 
and for the privilege even of a political existence. And now in 
the very wantonness of power, they are about to inflict upon us, 
the crowning act of their injustice. They demand now, that we 
shall not only be excluded with our slaves, from all territories, 
north of 36° 30', but from every portion of the public domain 
south ot that line ; and also from a large portion of Texas, which 
was secured to the South by the solemnity of a treaty. And all 
this is done, in a manner, and with declarations so offensive, as 
to mark the depth of contempt, and disparagement, to which 
our donkey passiveness, or (as they may suppose) our twiidity 
has sunk us, and as if further, to laugh to scorn, the stupid cre- 
dulity which has put faith in their promises. 

It should be noted here, however, in apology for those few 
Southern men, who gave their sanction to the " Missouri com- 
promise," that they had not then, as we have now, such evidence 
of the faithlessness of the anti-slavery power in Congress, upon 
all questions, which affect our Southern institutions. Our ene- 



15 

mies, approached us then, as '• brethren," and our Southern heart 
kindling at the appeal, yielded to their exactions, for the purpose 
of living at peace with them. 

But if the leading men of that day beguiled some of our pre- 
decessors with enticing words, and then betrayed them with a 
kiss ; we of the present day, should be without apology, and be 
recreant to posterity, if we shut oureyes to the fact, that wehave 
to deal now with the same Judas, who will again betray us ; — 
if not for the thirty pieces of silver, yet for the honours and 
spoils of office at home. We cannot now retrace our steps, in 
the Missouri compromise or recall the advantages wo then for- 
ever parted v/ith. But now, that another and similar crisis is at 
hand, we can prolil by the experience of the past ; and planting 
ourselves upon our rights, and resolving not to yield another 
hair's breadth of them to any power on earth, leave to others, 
the responsibility of pushing us if they dare, from our position. 
Our judgments, when enlightened by a careful review of the 
whole question instructs us ; and our experience confirms the 
important truths. First — Tliat no concessions on the subject of 
slavery has ever, or can ever satisfy our enemies. 2d. — That 
the anti-slavery spirit is not only aggressive, but rapidly pro- 
gressive ; and 3d — that sooner or later, the battle uull/iave to be 
fought on the final issue, viz : whether we shall continue our sla- 
very institutions in the States; or whether the North shall take 
that matter into their own hands, and regulate it for us, accor- 
ding to their own caprice, and not for our own, but their bene- 
fit. The only alternatives lor us to indulge a choice in, are, as 
to the time, When ? and the manner. Flow ?- we shall meet the 
great final issue. 

Shall we meet it, and fight the great battle noiv, whilst we 
have strength, and allies, and the spirit of our people unbroken? 
or shall we postpone it. yx\\[{\e later, by compromising- and tem- 
porising; when our enemies shall have multiplied in numbers 
and increased in power ; — when our strength shall have dimin- 
ished, our allies deserted us, and the spirit of our people crushed 
and discouraged? These are the alternatives, which we have 
to choose between ! ! 

But it may be objected to, by someone who is afraid of his 
own shadow, or perchance of ghosts, the shadows of other 
imaginary things, and who is afraid to do what is right, or what 
is his dntij, " because something may happen." " If we are to 
make no concessions on the subject of slavery, — if we are to 
allow of no compromise, what then ? How is the question to 
be settled, except by disunion, or civil war?" 

Now it is freely admitted that if they who have the power to 
do us justice, refuse to do so, and prefer to drive us over the 
precipice, that we must either submit to their encroachments, 



16 

with all the fearful and degrading consequences, which I have 
but only glanced at, or encounter the alternate consequences of 
disunion, or, perchance, of ciril war. If either of the latter al- 
ternatives are pressed upon us ; we, at least, shall not be re- 
sponsible for the consequences ; and we shall have the advan- 
tage of appearing before mankind in the attitude of men who 
are contending not only lor their just rights, but for rights 
which are indispensable for lhe\T political existence. 

But as States, as well as individual men, should take no 
important step without deliberating upon the consequences of 
the act, it becomes the South to examine well, what will be the 
effect upon their destiny of disunion or civil war. And first 
of disunion. 

In order to understand the abundant resources of the South- 
ern States, towards becomingr a great, powerful and indepen- 
dent nation, capable of protecting herself from all aofsression from 
abroad, or at home ; and of becoming wealthy and prosperous 
to a degree heretofore seldom enjoyed by any people : — Examine 
first, the map of the United States, zmd then mdulo:e in certain 
considerations, which obviously present themselves, but which 
the occasion will allow us, only very briefly to glance at. 

Besrinnin^ at the Capes of the Delaware, so up that bay until 
we reach the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Pursue 
that boundary west, to the Ohio river ; then down that river to 
its junction with the Mississippi ; then up that river to the 
northern boundary of the State of Missouri : then around the 
northern and the western boundary of that State to the line of 
36° 3U' ; thence west on that line to the Pacific Ocean. Or, if it 
be preferred, until it strikes the upper waters of the Rio Grande ; 
then down that river to the Gulf of Mexico ; and thence, 
around to the Atlantic. "Within these boundaries we have 
'= The Southern United States of North America," — as magnifi- 
cent a country as ever the sun shone upon : — solid, compact, 
and seli-supporting for all purposes of defence, — with noble 
rivers, a fertile soih great mineral resources, a genial climate, 
for all purposes of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce ; 
and with a population at this time, of about 6.000.000 whites, — 
2 hardy race, enter >urageo' 'generous; 

ant unhappily lor -S, too c : who are 

bulling them into security, to betray and iueii ruin iliem. These 
States also possess a bl;.ck population of about 3,000,000. — a 
docile, obedient, orderly, and athletic people ;— when let alone, 
happy, contented, and attached to their owners ; and with their 
labor directed by the superior intelligence of the white race, and 
lided by their capital, constituting one of the most efficient and 
orofitable classes of labourers in the world. 
Exanaining these States next, in their capabilities to afford sus- 



17 

lenance, and wealth to man ; we find iheni producing a supera- 
bundance of meats, and fruits, and grains and roots ; and yield- 
ing for a large export, the most vahiahle agricultural staples that 
the world knows: — staples which brinij millions o! people, in 
other nations, dependant upon them for the raw material ; ujxjn 
which acjain depend the inanufuctures, and the commerce of 
those nations. The cotton, rice, tol>acco, sugar, and other arti- 
cles exported from those Stales, amount to over 8'*5,(.HX),(X)0, an- 
nually, besides what are kept back, and used (reelyfor their own 
comforts, or manufactures at home. This affords, not only a 
very larone income to the inhabitants: but as imports are in pro- 
portion to exports: and the revenue of a nation in proportion to 
its imports, it will afford at a moderate tariU" of duties, an over- 
liowino^ treasury, which will enable the Southern United States 
to do, (what has heretofore been denied them.) and that is, by ex- 
pending within themselves, ajid for their own benetit, iUo>e inj 
mense sums which have been hitherto extorted from them, and 
squandered elsewhere, amply to fortify themselves, and develope 
their own mighty, but dormant resources. How different will be 
the aspect of things in the whole South, when this tide of wealth 
is dammed up within our own borders, and made to rollback 
among our own people: and when our inmiense capital is em- 
ployed by our own merchants in establishiuir a direct trade, be- 
tween our own Southern ports, and our customers all over the 
world. Then every vulnerable point will be protected by an 
ample fortification; then every suitable harbour will have its well 
appointed dock-yard, and our navy will soon rank with the 
proudest. Then every river, harbour, channel, or bank will be 
surveyed and mapped out for the security of our commerce. 
Then, xrhenwe have ourotni. and it is spent omonsr ourselves, 
will the unaccustomed nourishment be diffused through the 
whole system, and its vivifyino^ influence be fell in every pore. 
The arts will revive, manufactures will spring up aroimd us ; 
our agriculture will rear its drooping- head, our commerce will 
expand : mechanic labour, meeting with ample rewards, will 
pour in upon us, and emigration, no lonjjer discour.nged by the 
uninviting aspect oi' our country, will flock to our shores. And 
then, as the consequence of all these things, will we exhibit to 
mankind, a refutation of the calumny of our enemies, which at- 
tributes the impoverished condition of things at the South, to the 
institution of slaven,- among us, and not rather to the systima- 
tic robbery of our National Legislature, (where we are in a hope- 
less minority.) by which t!ie immense revenues drawn annually 
from Southern labour, is disbursed almost entirely at the North, 
for the encouragement of the labour of that section. 

Considered then, in all the consequences of a peaceable sep- 
aration of the two sections, (and there is no justifiable reason 



18 

why it should not be peaceable.) — the Southern United States 
would be immeasurably gainers by disunion. We will now 
consider what would likely be the result, if another new, and 
anomalous condition be attempted to be imposed upon us, with 
which, in the arrogance of power, we have sometimes been 
threatened ; and that is the brotherly violence of musketry and 
cannon^ io force us to contiime in the fraternal embrace of the 
Union. 

What theni are our capabilities to meet the issue, if our ene- 
mies force upon us the alternative of a " civil war," as it is called; 
although in no particular, in which civil wars become so much 
to be dreaded, will this be one. It will be a war between two 
distinctly marked sections, on opposite sides of a well defined 
line: between a nation on the one side, of Northern States, inva- 
ding another nation of Southern States, waiting with all their 
mighty resources of men and revenue, to meet the attack ; and 
with the concentrated energy of a righteous indignation to drive 
it back. And who that considers these immense resources, can 
for a moment doubt the issue. The Southern United States 
could bring into the field, if necessary, 1,200,000 men, capable 
of bearing arms : and with duties at a war-scale, might have an 
■ennual revenue of $50;000,000 : which (as the civil war so called, 
would be one of defence,) would be spent almost entirely among 
our own people at home^ and would therefore be but little felt 
as a burden. 

Besides, it would be the policy of all the great inari time, com- 
mercial and manufacturing nations of the world, to take sides 
with the South, Since the Northern States, in all their pursuits, 
are their rivals ; whilst the Southern United States, by their em- 
ployments, and the rich staples of our agriculture, would be 
their natural allies. By our cotton, hemp, tobacco, sugar, and 
other staple productions of our soil, we supply the raw material; 
upon which depends some of the most extensive of their manu- 
factures ; and which form the basis, of their most profitable com- 
merce, and by taking away the tonnage duties, which now dis- 
criminate in favour of our Northern oppressors, and giving to 
our customers in Europe the profits of carrying our bulky sta- 
ples, we bind their navigating interest strongly in our favour. 

Separated, then, from our Northern " brethren," our Southern 
United States, would become a valuable customer to all the ci- 
vilized nations of the world ; —one to be conciliated and cherish- 
ed, rather than to be insulted and injured. And when our fa- 
vours ore made to depend upon the civility, good oflices, and 
national courtesy, which might be extended to us, by other na- 
tions ; there is no people who would be so forward to bid for our 
custom, on our own terms, as those very States, who, because 
they think they now have the right to those favours, receive 



19 

them without gratitude, and add insult and injury to us, whilst 
they enjoy them. 

The Southern United States need be under no apprehension, 
for any amount oi revcmte which they may require, for any pur- 
pose of peace, or war. The willingness to lend is always meas- 
ured by the ability to pny. If they be only true to themselves ; 
if they exhibit to the world, that which they undoubtedly pos- 
sess, — and that is their entire ability to protect and de- 
fend themselves from all aggression from abroad, or at home, 
and to maintain a vigorous political iitdepeiideiice, they will 
possess the key, through the rich productions of their soil, by 
which to open the coffers of every capitalist in Europe ; and even 
of the Northern states of this continent. 

In tnen and revemie, our resources would be ample, for any 
emergency; and in \.\\q good will of the nations^ these advantages 
are increased. But when, in a conflict, such as we are consider- 
ing, all our other advantages are examined, our triumph becomes 
certain. Our enemies would be the invaders ; and would there- 
fore require double the amount of revenue, to carry on their war 
of aggression. We would be the defenders with all (he advan- 
tages of position ; in a compact territory; with each part giving 
support to all other parts ; and with our resources around, and 
about us. Our enemies could never be united in such a war- 
fare, even if they could raise the immense revenue, which it 
would require to conduct it : whilst the heart of the South would 
be in their cause, and they would be united as one man. The 
North may send upon us a horde of fanatics and desparadoes, to 
rob and to plunder ; or to force us back, into a Union, which has 
become odious to us, by the insults and injustice which we have 
suffered under it. But they will meet upon our borders, an array 
of bolder and more resolute men ; — standing around their fami- 
lies and their property ; and in defence of their honour and their 
rights, ready and able to drive back the vile aggressors, with 
ignominy and defeat. That will be an evil day to our enemies, 
when tliey shall spill the first drop of a Southern man's blood, 
who is standing up in defence of such a cause. The very stones 
will cry aloud at such an outrage upon our soil. Even our 
women will forget their sex, in defence of their injured country ; 
whilst the just indignation which will swell the hearts of all that 
is called " man," or claims to be man, throughout the wide bor- 
ders of the whole South, will impart a tenfold energy to their 
arms, in striking deep, into the hearts of their enemies. 

It is not forgotten in this place, that the chief instrument, 
which our humane and christian enemies calculate to employ 
against us, in operating our destruction, is, to excite an insur- 
rection among our slaves; and thus in their benevolent crusade 
in favour of the blacks, to inflict upon the white race, the united 



20 

iiorrors, of a servile and a civil war. This is (he most cherish- 
ed scheme of these pious " phihmthropists ;" by vvhich they hope 
to terrify us, into a submission to their preposterous and insul- 
ting demands. Audit has not been without some effect. It has 
frightened many a nervous old woman ; and not a few Northern 
men, who have settled amongst us, in our cities ; but Vv'ho are 
entirely ignorant of the kindly feelings, v»'hich generally exist, 
between the slaveliolder and his people. But the scheme will 
be found to be as abortive, in practice, as it is demoniacal in con- 
ception : and can never succeed, except upon the supposition of 
asupineness on the part of the people of the South, which would 
amount to insanity ; — in allowing our enemies to mingle freely 
with our slaves, and pervert their feelings by falsehoods, misre- 
presentations and delusive hopes. To the native slaveholder 
however, who, with his people, has been reared in the same 
neighbourhood, or perhaps upon the same plantation ; — who wit- 
nesses, on the one side, their feelings of respect and strong at- 
tachment towards him ; and on the other, realizes to himself, the 
kindly feelings, which he indulges towards them, — this notable 
scheme of our enemies carries with it, no very alarming forebo- 
dings. His every day experience and observation convince him 
that the efforts of our enemies must be both active, uninterrupted 
and long continued, to extirpate that lo]/aftf/ o[ his slaves, — 
which is stronger than a habit, and forms a part of their very 
nature: and so far from indulging in supineness, in a matter of 
that nature, it may be assumed as a fact, which will be true with- 
out an exception, that no emissary of msurrection will ever be 
able to travel through our country, whose every movement will 
not be watched and noted ; until becoming entangled in his own 
snares, he shall meet the doom, which an enraged people have 
ready for such miscreants. It is only in times of profound peace 
and public security ; when suspicion is asleep, that an emissary 
maycraipZhis way into some obscure neighbourhood, and by his 
serpent arts, pollute our slaves, and excite an insurrection. But 
such out-breaks must ever be very limited in their extent, and 
will be as easily put down, as any of the mobs which occur in 
the free-soil States. In times of threatened invasion, or open war 
during the stir and activity of military preparation, when the 
slaveholder is waked up to his danger, and has his arras in his 
hands, no insurrection of any extent is ever, likely to break out, 
and much less to succeed. Of this every man who hasresided long 
at the South, will be convinced, who duly reflects on the subject : 
and should the occasion ever arise, when it may become the 
South to tax all her energies, to maintain her political existence, 
or defend her rights or honour ; we might, if it were deemed 
necessary, send into the field a million of men to meet the inva- 
der, without detracting scarcely a labourer from our agriculture, 



21 

besides leaving 200,000 men, at but little expense to the govern- 
ment, to act as a vigilant police, in keeping quiet any of our 
slaves who may be made disalfectcd. An active police of a 
fourth of that number, properly directed and distributed over 
the South, would keep in order every disaffected slave, and 
eflectually secure us from a servile insurrection. 

This favourite scheme, then, of our Jntmane and " Christian" 
enemies, will be found barren of the results which they antici- 
pate ; but will recoil upon them in a manner in which they least 
expect. The deluded slave, whose mind has been poisoned by 
the falsehoods and wicked arts of the abolitionists, and has been 
tempted to raise his irreverent arm against the life of his master, 
will be found stricken down to the earth; whilst the diabolical 
agent of his ruin, the enemy alike of master and slave, will be 
found dangling from our loftiest trees, expiating his crimes after 
the m;\nner of Haman of old. 

It will thus be perceived : First. That in the rich and varied 
resources which the "Southern United States," so abund- 
antly possess in revenue, and in men, we have all the ele- 
ments necessary for constituting lis a great, flourishing and in- 
dependent nation. Second, That the bugbear, disunion, or 
separation from the free-soil (or more properly Pharisaical,) 
States, would contribute greatly to our prosperity and happi- 
ness, and finally to our lasting peace ; and Third. That the dan- 
gers of a civil and servile war, should cause no well-grounded 
apprehension about the result, when the mighty array of means 
are considered, which we have for resistance and self-defence. 

Now, these positions will be greatly strengthened, if we con- 
sider, 1st, In contrast with ours, the means and resources of the 
power which it is supposed might have the temerity to attack 
us : and 2nd, The direful effects upon them, which disunion or 
a separation from us would entail. This is better understood by 
the reflecting and sagacious men among them, than it appears 
to be by us ; and hence the Epithalamiums which they are con- 
stantly chanting in praise of tlie " Union," the " Union ;" in the 
hope of keeping us in good humor with it. And hence the 
threats of violence and coercion, which they throw out to in- 
timidate us, to remain passive, within its ffital embraces. 

In the union of States, in which we find ourselves now asso- 
ciated, the free soil, or "Pharisee" Stales, are the merchants^ 
the nuinufactiirers, and the ship/ters of the family : wliilst the 
Southern S^ates may be regarded, by way of distinction, as 
the agriaiUiirisfs of the fauiily. 'I'hey manvfactnre for us : — 
and by the aid of the bounties which they derive in the form of 
revenue duties, they shut us up from other customers, and bring 
us tributary io them, in a heavy amount, for their inaiivfdctiircs. 
They are the carriers of the extensive and bulky products of our 
3 



22 

agriculture; and by the bounties which they enjoy in the form 
of tonnage duties, we are shut up from other customers, and are 
again brought under heavy tribute to them for freights. By 
the combined operation of these two causes, (and of some others 
which miglU be named, if necessary,) they get possession of the 
largest portion of our agricultural products ; whicii in the form 
of remittances in payment for imports, invests t!iem with a large 
amount of our capital, upon the basis of which they carry on 
their extensive and lucrative commerce, — a commerce which 
brings us tributary to them again, to the full extent of the dif- 
ference at which they sell our exports abroad, and what they 
make us pay for the imports at home. 

In these several relations, the Southern States stand to the 
free-soil, or "Pharisee" States, as colonies to a parent and 
dominant country, — not allowed to employ the agents who will 
do their work without bounty, and at the least expense to them; 
nor to buy from those customers, who will sell cheapest ; — but 
compelled to confine their business only to certain agents, who 
decide without competition upon the rates we have to pay them ; 
and to buy from them pretty much at their own prices. 

It is precisely, too, in these relations that these Free-Soil or 
Pharisee States become the objects of rivalry and jealousy, to all 
the commercial, manufacturmg and navigating conntries of the 
world. Both are manufacturers; both are carriers; both are 
merchants, seeking foreign markets for their goods ; and hence 
the jostlings and jealousy which is likely to spring up between 
them. The custom then, of a people like the " Southern United 
States," which has from 95 to 100,009,000 worth of exports to 
dispose of, must be of the highest importance to every nation, 
which has ships to carry these exports; manufactures to ex- 
change for them, and a large commerce to expand by them. 
The alliance then, between nations of such different pursuits 
and characters, becomes strong and natural ; since in the mo- 
nopoly of that kind of custom, every commercial and manufac- 
turing nation must chiefly depend for their wealth and prosperity. 
It is the habit with many to suppose that nations without slaves 
are ipso facto, more flourishing than those that have them. But 
of all delusive notions, this is one of the most erroneous. Spnin, 
Italv, Germany, France, Russia, or other '-free States" so called, 
are not more flourishing than our Southern States, with all the 
exactions which are made upon our labour. England is indebted 
for her immense wealth and remarkable prosperity to the mo- 
nopoly of the profits, and the trade of her extensive colonies, and 
especially of India, which she has sucked dry of all those enor- 
mous treasures, for which she was, for a long time, (but not 
now,) a proverb among the nations. And in like manner, the 
Pharisee States of this Union have become comparatively rich 



23 



and flourishing, by the operation and policy of certain national 
laws u^hich leave the Soutliern States in the relado SZ 

n7wi h'lllV '""• V? ^"='"''^ ^° ^^'"--"^ °f he eolon ; ■ 

pif in t ^^ --;^-- -ta:^^^ 

so,l, or Phnnsee SUUes bo separated from Ihe ''putic*°s ''d 

answer. ^^® ^^"1 stop for a moment briefly to 

Ou'ina to the operation of certain lau's of the Federal Gnv 

g9sV^r=^-j^;E:S^r,:-i?5 

rivals, m o.ir Southern maWcets. The^e bount es i r . f ^ r 

wivu wo,',M V''H""'i"'"?-P''"'"'=<=''> '<^' ""y "'"» a=k himself 
er 11. were mT "• " "'T '^"""*^ °' 'he Federal Gov- 
bn dcu of an impost d„ly, added to the cost of man, fact,, imr 
rondcTKeZ"' '';"*°"'''r'' '■™'" 'he Northern Sta e o, & 

i^.f=nh,r.,:"i.:r~,,--1^5 

e Union t u,y have a /;rc.ye//y now made them of .'S'^O for evoru 
US, they lo.e first, this government present of 20 per cent; and 



24 

have, secondly, to add to the loss 20 per cent, more, in the form 
of a revenue duty to be paid to the Southern United States :-- 
making a difference to them, in the profits of then- mdustry, ot 
40 per'cent. Can any sane man believe for a moment, that man- 
ufactures which are now fostered by bounties of 20 per cent., and 
as their advocates tell us, scarcely thrive at that, can exist for a 
year, when 40 or even 20 per cent, of their profits are abstracted 
from' them 1 It would be absurd to suppose so. 

It maybe confidently assumed, then, that the separation of the 
Northern States from us, which would be followed by this loss 
of their present bounties, and the addition of new burdens on 
their labour, would bankrupt almost every manufacturing estab- 
lishment at the* North; and would throw out of employment 
hundreds of thousands of their citizens, who would have to throng 
into other departments of their industry to seek a livelihood. But 
what other department of their industry would be m a better 
condition, or could rpceive them 1 Certainly not their agricul- 
tural, which cannot compete now with the South and West, in 
any article which they can grow to a profit. Not their naviga- 
tion interest, for under the state of things which we are suppos- 
ino- the tonnage bounties being taken from them, and duties ot 
om- own burdened upon them instead, and our freights being 
given to our foreign customers, or perhaps only a small share 
aiven to Northern ship-owners,— their navigation interest would 
dwindle, and their sailors would have to seek employment else- 
where Their commercial department could not receive them : 
since exporting our agricultural products in the vessels of our 
foreign customers, and establishing a direct trade between our 
own ports and those countries, we not only shall have no need for 
Northern merchants to do our business, but being deprived ol 
the immense capital which they now have the use of, m export- 
ino- so large a portion of our rich agricultural staples, they would 
be^deprived of the chief support upon which their foreign com- 
merce is now kept so prosperous, and without which it must 

droop on, in a feeble and sickly existence. 

Every department of Northern industry being doomed to heavy 

iniury, diminishment and decay, by this withdrawal of the boun- 
ties which they now enjoy in the Union, and the competition 
which they will have to encounter out of it, from other nations ; 
and millions of their citizens being thrown out of employment 
to seek for it elsewhere, but which cannot be found at home ;-- 
the first efi"ect of our separation from them, will be incalculable 
distress among their citizens ; and the next, the immigration ot 
their citizens, with their capital, to other States, where it can be 
made to be more profitable. The "Southern United States will 
oflfer the strongest temptations to them for such immigration and 
investment of capital. It will be necessary only to cross over 



25 

the line, and settle within her borders, to renew the privih'ges 
which they formeily enjoyed r.nder the old Union :— and who 
doubts, but that it will be eagerly embraced, and thousands ab- 
stracted from the population, and millions from the capital of the 
North. * 

But it is not merely in the wide spread injury which will be 
inflicted upon every department of industry at the North, that 
the effects of a seperation from us will be felt by their citizens. 
U e are infinitely protitable to them in another way. We are the 
tax jmyers ; whilst they are the tax receivers, and tax spenders. 
They have contrived by adroit management, and through their 
majority in Congress, to collect large revenues, which are drawn 
chiefly from our Southern labour; and after tlie treasury has 
been filled, they have not been wanting in pretexts, some of them 
the most flimsy and unconstitutional, to empty it uito the laps of 
their own citizens to enrich them, or appropriate it tor public 
works within their own limits, to benefit their own section. The 
domestic exports of the United States in 1848, (the latest year of 
which I have a return by me) were within a trifle of $133,000,- 
000: of which the share of the Southern States was about 95,- 
000,000, leaving the balance of 38,000,000 as the share of the 
Northern States. These brought us a return of $155,000,000 of 
imports:— of which the share of the South would be about 110,- 
000,000, and that of the North about 45,000,000. Now, suppo- 
sing, that all of these imports pay duties, (which is not the 
case.) at an average of 20 per cent, (which is less than is really 
exacted,) the Southern States pav 22,000,000 towards the annual 
revenue of the General Government, whilst the North contri- 
butes but 9,000,000. 

But how stands the account of the disbursement of these 31,- 
000,000 of revenue? Are the 22,000,000 which are taken from 
the labour of the South expended at the South, to enrich her 
citizens and improve her section : and only the 9.000,000 which 
are contributed by the North spent among her' people? Far, 
very far, is iliis from being the case. We have not within our 
reach the documents which are necessary to exhibit this point; 
but we see, and feel, and know that karsk injustice is done us in 
this matter. It has been asserted, on good authority, that seven- 
ninths of the income of the General Government is spent at the 
North ; and but two-ninths at the South. According to this es- 
timate, whilst the Southern States contribute of the 31.000,000, 
22000,000, they receive back, to be spent among their people,' 
but 6,900,00(j ; and whilst the North contributes but 9,000,000 
to that fund, they contrive so to divert the current of expendi- 
ture out of its natural channels, as to spend the enormous amount 
of 24,100,000 amonir her own people, which is J.5,UO(),0(jO an- 
nually more than they contribute : and to the same amount, so 
3* 



26 

much taken from the pj'qfits of our industry/, to enrich tlieir 
own citizens'and section. This is equally true of the revenue 
also, from the sale of our public lands, and all other sources of 
our public income, amountin;^ to nearly 4,000,000 more, which 
swells the amount disbursed amons: the free-soil States to nearly 
28,000,000, whilst the sums expended at the South are less than 
8,000,000. 

In estimatino;, then, the value of the Union to them, as it has no 
doubt often been cypjiered out in the true "clockmaker" style 
by the " Sam Slicks " of the North, it has without doubt been as- 
certained, and credited in their " bank-book," as being worth to 
them, in hard dollars, at least eighteen millions of dollars annu- 
ally, in clear gain, and free of all expenses. Hence the tender 
affection, — the reverential regard, which they pretend to feel, and 
express for the "Union:" and hence the abhorrence which they 
express at the thoup-ht of separation from their beloved "brethren" 
at the South, and' the denunciation of those who breathe ihe 
word "disunion" as a thing, that is possible. But the South be- 
gins at length to understand tlie sincerity of these profes^^ions of 
veneration for the Union ; and the disinterestedness of their in- 
dignation at those who would dissolve it; and especially, when 
they threaten to hold us in their embraces, by main force, and 
with all the violence of musketry and cannon, if need be. We 
view it as the old trick of Demetrius and his confederate "sil- 
versmiths at Ephesus" who made silver shrines for the goddess 
Diana. This employment "brought no small gain to the crafts- 
men," we are told': but the great x\postlo, in preaching nijainst 
idolatry, disturbed the rookery. And then loud and long, did they 
lift up their voices, in honor of "great Diana" of the Ephesians ; 
until doubtless, the simple ones of the town, believed them to be 
sincere and devoted worshippers of the goddess. But these wor- 
thies cracked their throats in honour of the "great Diana," and 
would have murdered the messenger of God, — not because they 
cared an assarlum tor the daughter of .lupiter, luit because, as 
inspiration tells us, "their craft was in danger;" and the Apos- 
tle in the performance of his high duties, had attempted to put 
an end to its iniquities. Just so, is it with those, who employ 
themselves in bepraising the "Union," as a glorious Union, and 
so forth ; and who denounce as "traitors" those who question its 
advantages, conducted as it has been for years past; and who 
would brlni; it b'ick to its original principles of equality and 
^justice; or~ dissolve it. They feel that in separating fjoin the 
South, "their craft is in danger." They are in danger of losing, 
not merely the bounties which gave life to their manufactures, 
their shipping and their commerce ; but the good round sum of 
$18,000,000 annually, which is taken from the pockets of the 
Southern planters to be transferred, by a sort of legislative leger- 



27 



demain,into their own pockets, to enrich themselves and dve 
prosperity to their sections. Deprived by disunion, of this annu- 
al and refreshing snpply, they must cithJ permit the hundreds 
or tnousands of their citizens who are now nourished by those 
expenditures, to sink down in suffering, and the public works 
1^01 which they are squandered, to go to decay ; or they must 

h^n.^ n^"""^ ^^ ^•'^'^'^'' "P°'^ themselves. But how raise 
tnem } 1 hey appropriate to themselves, out of the public treas- 
ury not only the nine millions of their own, but eighteen 
ThlrTnf 7 more, contributed by the South :-making" their 
snare ot the expenditures, over 27,900,000 of dollars. Now it 

4fom nnn'" ' ''^ '^'V' f ''"'" ^^^''^ '"^P"^-^^ '-^"^0""^ -^"ly ^o about 
40,000,000: upon which it would require, a duty of 60;;^;- cent 

tJZu '^'' ^^Y^^^T^ «f r«-«""«> which they' are now accus-' 
(omed to spend. But as no commerce could bear for any lenath 
ot time a burden of 60 per cent., then the resort would have^ to 
oe to du-eci iaxes :—vAncb it is very doubtful, whether a popu- 
iation, like that in the Northern States, would .submit to. 

It may be assumed then, as a thing that is certain, that that 
fornll'.nnfr'^?""'."""''^ not, (except by borrowing,) be supplied 

snlfll^^f f'' '"'' ^'^""''' ^^'^"'■^^ by that expenditure, w.U^.e 
sutlered to languish and decay. ■; 

In every point of examination then, it will appear that the 
d.sso ution of the Union, will be followed by infinite distress a,^ 
disaster to the Aorth ; and with comparatively little to the South 
Ar .^rrr.i rr^'^"' -^"^ ^^^""^ ^™'y persuade himself of this 
us 'nn H ^^'%^^T'' f "^^ '^'^'l^^ "^^'■^ ^^'"^ to t^'em, than it is to 
concessions to maintain it. 

sprtfJ°""f'i^'";TP'"'"'^'P'''' ^^ the Constitution are Anthfullyob- 
servtd, and the Union made to promote the purposes, for which 
u was lormed it becomes our duty to support it. It is true that 
conducted at ns best, it is likely throughTll the fiscal operShms 
uhl . /'^^'-''■'V. '''''"".'''^"t' to be a hard bargain for us. But 
Uie. honorable men have solemnly joined hands over a con- 
1 matter of"dor'' ''"' ^'^ '° deny their obligations, because in 
Th! <^ of f ollars and cents, the other may have the advantage, 
disrmt . It ,V' '"'^ ''' confidently asserted, would never have 
d s ml ed the Union, or calculated its value, had she not l)een 

er ho, '" "'T ' V^f • '''''^''''' '^''•"ts ;-points, which touch 
her 0, ,^ and peril her existence. Her just rights have beel 

sulN o ' "' P""^ '"^'■- • "^' ''^'^'■"^^ "••« outraged by daily in- 
f" ° onr Kepresentafives in the common council halls of the 

JesZi'.n"^- ?,"'^ ^^""^ '^^''■t to degrade us, by insulting 
onlvl '"'"^"S"'"'' ns.andourinsiilulions. 'They not 

only do this, m the most aggravated form, but in their arrogance 



28 

of power, on the most unnecessary occasions. They press the 
"Wilmot proviso" nc^t only over territory where slavery never 
would have been cariled ; but they appear to regard the act of a 
territory which excludes the slave-holder with his slaves, as in 
itself so meritorious, that they have just forced California into 
the Union, against every requirement of sound policy, against all 
sound precedent, and contrary to the truest principles of the 
Constitution. They exclude us not only from territory which is 
our own, equally as it is theirs, but is unsuited to our institutions ; 
but they now attempt to deprive us of broad lands which are well 
suited to us — which have been conquered by our valor, and won 
by our treasure and our blood, and are, in this respect, more our 
own than they are theirs. And whilst they do this to us, who 
have a just right to those lands, as our 'property — to us, whom 
they profess to call "brethren," and who have a claim upon them 
as such — they have, as if in utter contempt of us, our feelings, 
and our interests, offered to give away, to squander, to lavish, 
those lands, upon every vagrant, or pauper, or vagabond emigrant, 
■who may be enticed from the rest of the world, to come and set- 
tle upon them ! ! These are the injuries and insults which have 
sunk deep into the Southern heart, and made every man, in the 
retir(/ment of his plantation, "calculate the value of a Union" 
wit\ such men as perpetrate such enormities. And when is su- 
peradded to all these things, the evidence which is before us, that 
they are steadily advancing upon us, with deadly hostility, to 
destroy our institutions ^ViwAxhSiliheY claim the right to meddle 
with us, because loe belong to the Union ; then it becomes the 
South resolutely to take the position which the emergency re- 
quires—demand a redress of their grievances, and ample security 
for their rights, now and hereafter. 

And here comes up the question, to obtain an answer to which 
the citizens of St. John's, Colleton, have sought to obtain the 
sentiments of their candidates : " Whatdoes jt become the South 
to do, under the circumstances of their case?" 

Actively and efficiently tlie South can do nothing to redress 
her wrongs, as long as she remains in the Union. She is in a 
minority, a hopeless minority, in the House of Representatives ; 
and now, since California is admitted, the equilibrium is destroy- 
ed in the Senate, and we are in a hopeless minority there also. 
The South must therefore depend hereafter upon the forbear- 
ance and jttstice of this mtijority, for carrying out any measure 
which may be necessary for her well-being : and the kind of jus- 
tice which she may expect in future, may be judged of by the 
specimens which the North is now preparing for us within her 
own borders, and by that which we have just witnessed in the 
admission of California. Nor is there any mode by which we 
can reach or change those majorities — since they are responsi- 



29 

ble not to us, but to remote and hostile constituencies. It may- 
be justly apprehended, too, that as the North becomes stronger 
and more inlluential, the traitors to the South will become more 
nnmerous among her public men ; and the breed of the JJadgers 
and the Bentons, the Bells, the Iloustons, and the Footes, will 
fearfully multiply among us. "With the strong arm of power, 
the treasures and the offices of the nation, will be seized upon by 
the iSorth, and we shall be betrayed and weakened, by desertion 
from our ranks, through the bribes which shall be held out to 
the ambitious or the needy. 

If, then, we may expect no justice from the North — if we be 
powerless to do ourselves justice— and if all the indications at 
present, and for the future, admonisli us, that we shall become 
less and less able to protect ourselves, as long as we continue 
members of the Union, then a measnre presents itself for the 
adoption of the South, which brings up one of the most solemn 
questions which can occupy the heads and the hearts of the 
American people ; and that measure is, the dissolution of the 
Union. 

That man must be heady, unreflecting, and short-sighted in- 
deed, who does not have his mind impressed with profound 
thoughtfulness and the deepest solemnity, when he contemplates 
the magnitude of the consequences which might flow from such 
a measure. Considered in \i% possible. '\i \\oi'w& probable con- 
sequences, it may involve us in bloody wars — in great sacrifice 
of property and life — in privations of comforts, and in sufferings 
of posittve evils — which in our past career we have seen nothing 
the like of. It is beyond controversy, then, the gra\^est question 
which has occupied the American mind, before or since the 
adoption of our present constitution. Then, certain sovereign 
States divested themselves of certain high attributes of sover- 
eignty, in order to grant to a common agent certain powers, to 
be used for the common and equal benefit of each and every of 
the united parties. Now, some of those parties are about to take 
back the powers which they had surrendered, and which have 
been used, not for their benefit, but abused for purposes of the 
grossest insult, injustice, and oppression. Then, they formed a 
union for mutual benefit, and, as they hoped, for all time ; now, 
that union, having been perverted from its original design, is to 
be dissolved, in order that one of the parties may not be destroy- 
ed. Can any reflecting man suppose that this is a light and 
easy thing to be accomplished ; or that it should be done except 
for great cause, or from some imperious necessity? If there be 
any who thus think, I confess I am not one of them ; but, on the 
contrary, have approached this whole sulject willi my mind 
solemnized by the weighty responsibility which attaches to the 
expression of my opinions. But there are evils so sinpcn- 



30 

doiis, that to avoid them, no perils or iiardships should be con- 
sidered too great to be encountered. After what I have before 
said, I need not here add, that I consider tfie Southern States, as 
overshadowed at this time by such evils ; and that in their sep- 
aration from the free-soil States, is their only visible hope against 
pecuniary ruin and, in the end, against political annihilation. It 
may be laid down too, as a proposition indisputably true, that 
the man who faulters through fear of the consequences, from 
adoptmg any measure (be it disunion itself,) which his judguieut 
may approve to be proper ; or who makes concessions on this^ 
question, as from a weaker to the stronger power,— that tliat man *'^', 
has already made np his mind to ^ive up his slave property, and 
betray the South when the day of trial shall arrive ! 

But^it may be asked, can nothing^, will nothing be done, to 
avert from this great nation so momentous a necessity, as a sep- 
aration of the Southern from the free-soil States. We have seen • 
that whatever is done towards that end, must be effected by the ' 
North,— who, having the majority, has alone the power to do it. "^ 
Now, to judge of the probability of this being done, let us inquire 
what the South has a riijht, in strict justice, to demand. 

We have a right to demand, that the annoyances and insults 
s.iould cease, which are now so frequently offered tons, through 
our representatives in Congress; and that instead thereof, we 
should receive that comity which belongs to us, as sovereign ' 
States, and that respect for our interests, which the Constitution ' 
contemplates. And as a means to this end, that no interference 
with slavery in any form, and especially in the forms in which 
it has been heretofore intruded upon Congress, shall be permitted, ' 
except by our consent. 

We have a right to demand the faithful observance of the ' 
Constitution, in having our fugitive slaves delivered up to us, 
instead of the violence, imprisonments, bloodshed and even 
minders of our citizens, when attempting to bring them back. , 

We have a right to demand a perfect equality under the Con- I 
stitution — an equal share in all the property which belongs to 
us as a nation : a right to an equal share oi ihe public lands— \( 
not in the proportion of men and money which we contributed 
to conquer them, at least in proportion to our whole population, 
including whites and slaves. 

We have a right to have the equilibrium restored in the Sen- 
ate between the two sections, which has lately been destroyed 
by the admission of California into the Union; or, instead of 
this, some other guarantee, by which the South may have am- 
ple power to protect Aer^p//" against the anti-slavery aggressions 
of Congress and the free-soil States. 

Ts there any one of these demands which tlie South should 
abate ? any one which she can give up with safety, and without 



31 

which she can expect a durable peace? To my mind there 
seems to be not one ! ^ ' ^^^ 

But will the North concede to us these just and ncccssarv re 
quirements I hope that she will. Butniy expecr.Uon7a e' 
that she w.l not, except she become thoroughly pe? rmdec Zl 
disunion wUI be the inevifable consequence. ^S si e wil 
sacrifice something to ^ain more, and yiild us not oi y wtt we 

v^nl^^^s ot lir^nir ' " ''-'''' " '''--''- ^'^ P--- ^ 
But ,f she will not, can any one suppose that two parties will 
conlumeio live together, one of whom has so many tho s ran 

^Ifii'' T,^''''' ''^^ ^^,"^'^"y gnevances constantly eliolc; the 
sp nt ? They may be hound together, as the conquered tS le 
conqueror-as the enslaved to the inexorable super or Bu e- 
Z:Zn%lirlf- "^ "" ^-^'-'-'--d 0^ f-'fdship and on- 

vl 1st fh.f . "'°" '? "^natural, and cannot last; and 

poverSy ! ''" '' "' ^'""^^ '^^^^^ ^*^°^^ "^ ^^"^"^^^s and 

But how is such a Union to be severed ? and upon what term^ 

shall the partnership be terminated ? These are questTons whin! 

r s.t:c; ; iti '"■ "-^^'^^ ^^^^^^^°"^' -^^ ^^ ss m s 

me sagacity of our wisest statesmen. It is not for a fraction nf 
one of the parties (as a single State) to decide for the Sw;5 
buttr an":f '"" ^^.-^-.bo,done,a/id u-hen .Vou^TXZnJ- 
but for all the parties similarly interested to decide for ill in 
«nited council Each neighborhood may have its Sou 1 e 
Rights Association. Each State may have her Southeni rS 
Organization. But it must be for 'the Southern States Ha 
Southern Convention, to decide what the whole South ough tS 
do. Whatever they may do vniledbj, or with anythh I kp 
unamm.ty we may rest assured, will be done with So iur 
selves, and without much risk of coercion from the North in 
the meantime, let South-Carolina respectfully awah for' her 
Southeru sisters, since she is not likely to suffer wronc or di/ 
honor by binding up her destiny with theirs. ^ '' 

September, 1850. 



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